Vol.28. Augst 29. 2025
What is happening in East Asian Maritime Security? The Research Institute for Peace and Security (RIPS) publishes the biweekly newsletter, the information on maritime security relevant to East Asia and Japan's territory. |
Monthly Column
Canada–Japan ISA and the Strategic Imperative
for Enhanced Defence Cooperation
Jonathan Berkshire Miller
Co-founder and Principal,
Pendulum Geopolitical Advisory
On July 8, 2025, Canadian Foreign Minister Anita Anand and Japan’s Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya formally signed the Agreement on the Security of Information (ISA) in Tokyo. This landmark pact enables the secure sharing of classified security and defense-related intelligence, marking a decisive leap in the bilateral relationship and paving the way for deeper military cooperation. Under the ISA, Canada and Japan establish legal frameworks and procedures for handling, storing, sharing, and disposing of sensitive national-security materials.
While the ISA itself does not trigger specific information flows, it creates the institutional trust and safeguards necessary to support future collaboration across a range of critical areas—particularly in maritime domain awareness, regional threat monitoring, and advanced military technology.
Building on a Strong Trajectory: ACSA and Joint Exercises
The ISA is the latest step in a steadily growing Canada–Japan defense partnership. It builds directly on the 2018 Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA), which enabled the two countries to provide each other with logistical support such as fuel, ammunition, transportation, and maintenance in the context of joint operations or training exercises. Since ACSA came into force, bilateral defense ties have significantly expanded. Defense ministers from both countries have emphasized how the agreement enhances readiness, operational tempo, and interoperability. Canada and Japan have increasingly coordinated on maritime surveillance, including tracking and preventing illicit ship-to-ship transfers (via Operation NEON), and have committed to expanded joint training through bilateral and multilateral frameworks.
Canada and Japan have also deepened their military engagements through exercises. Canadian and Japanese naval forces have participated in joint drills like KAEDEX, while the Royal Canadian Air Force and Japan Air Self-Defense Force have conducted reciprocal visits and training activities. Peacekeeping training, ground force exchanges, and staff-level defense dialogues have further strengthened the foundation for operational collaboration. For example, Canada’s Royal Canadian Navy made a submarine port call in Japan—the first in several decades—while the Royal Canadian Air Force and Japan’s Air Self-Defense Force have conducted multiple joint activities and strategic dialogues. These initiatives reflect a broader trend: two Pacific democracies growing increasingly aligned in their assessments of regional risk and their commitments to upholding international norms.
The Context: Rising Tensions in East and South China Seas and the Taiwan Strait
The strategic importance of the ISA is underscored by worsening tensions in the East China Sea, South China Sea, and Taiwan Strait. Both Canada and Japan have expressed deep concern over unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force. These concerns are not theoretical: incursions into Japan’s airspace and exclusive economic zone, military buildups and artificial island construction in the South China Sea, and rising cross-strait tensions all present serious risks to peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific.
In recent years, Canada has demonstrated a greater commitment to Indo-Pacific security by deploying naval vessels to the region and conducting freedom of navigation operations. Japan, for its part, has significantly upgraded its defense posture, investing in missile defense, counter-strike capabilities, and cyber and space forces. Both countries have aligned in international forums like the G7 and NATO in calling for adherence to international law and peaceful resolution of disputes. The evolving security landscape in Asia makes closer Canada–Japan military cooperation not just beneficial, but essential.
The Imperative for Maritime Security Cooperation
Maritime security is arguably the most pressing and promising area for deeper bilateral cooperation. As trans-Pacific nations, both Canada and Japan depend heavily on secure sea lanes for economic prosperity and energy security. The increasingly contested maritime environment in the Indo-Pacific threatens this stability. Both countries support freedom of navigation, oppose the militarization of disputed features, and call for the resolution of maritime disputes in accordance with international law. As such, joint naval patrols, shared maritime domain awareness initiatives, and coordinated responses to illicit maritime activity offer practical avenues for closer alignment.
There is also scope for more regularized collaboration between the Royal Canadian Navy and the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force. Canada’s ability to operate alongside U.S., Australian, and Japanese partners is bolstered by existing frameworks. As Canada increases its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific, the potential for operational cooperation with Japan—ranging from coordinated patrols to search and rescue operations and even joint humanitarian assistance missions—grows significantly.
Potential for Technological Collaboration and AUKUS Pillar II
Canada and Japan also have opportunities to expand cooperation in defense technology, particularly under the emerging framework of AUKUS Pillar II. As this initiative focuses on advanced technologies - such as AI, cyber, quantum, and hyper sonics - there is a natural complementarity between Canada’s innovation capacity and Japan’s defense-industrial strengths. Japan’s participation in programs like the Global Combat Air Programme, and Canada’s interest in advanced maritime surveillance systems, creates a pathway for joint research and development initiatives.
With the ISA in place, sensitive technological cooperation becomes more feasible. Further, collaboration on cybersecurity, satellite surveillance, artificial intelligence, and drone systems would enhance both countries' ability to respond to fast-evolving regional threats, while also advancing strategic deterrence capabilities.
Challenges and Obstacles
Despite shared values and growing strategic alignment, obstacles to deeper defense cooperation remain.
First, legal and regulatory frameworks still need to evolve. While the ISA resolves longstanding barriers to information-sharing, defense export controls and procurement policies may continue to impede collaboration on co-development and technology transfer.
Second, geographic distance and differing force postures pose practical challenges. Canada remains primarily focused on Atlantic and Arctic operations, with only periodic deployments to the Indo-Pacific. Japan, on the other hand, is fully embedded in regional deterrence frameworks. Synchronizing deployment schedules, aligning command-and-control systems, and overcoming language or cultural barriers require sustained investment.
Third, both countries must carefully manage relations with China. While both governments reject coercive behavior and support a rules-based regional order, they must also contend with economic interdependence and diplomatic sensitivities. A closer defense relationship must be calibrated in a way that enhances deterrence without unnecessarily escalating regional tensions.
Finally, historical gaps in military-to-military engagement must be addressed. While the past decade has seen a significant increase in joint activities, Canada and Japan still lack the depth of interoperability that exists between more established defense partners. Continued joint training, staff exchanges, and multilateral engagements are essential to closing this gap.
Why Now: Strategic Rationale
Despite the challenges, the timing for deeper defense cooperation could not be more opportune. The geopolitical environment is shifting rapidly, and both Canada and Japan recognize the need to work together to uphold a stable and secure Indo-Pacific. The ISA provides the legal infrastructure for real-time intelligence-sharing, joint planning, and potentially even integrated operational responses.
Political momentum is also aligned. Leaders in both countries have demonstrated a commitment to building stronger strategic ties, with the ISA serving as a visible signal of this commitment. Looking ahead, further agreements on defense procurement, capability development, and shared technological platforms are likely.
Expanding joint naval exercises, pursuing technological innovation, and strengthening interoperability through education and staff exchanges will ensure that the relationship moves beyond symbolism and into meaningful, sustained cooperation.
Conclusion
The Canada–Japan ISA is more than a legal arrangement—it is a strategic turning point. By enabling secure information-sharing, it lays the groundwork for deeper military collaboration in an increasingly volatile Indo-Pacific region.
From maritime patrols and logistics support to intelligence exchanges and advanced defense technology, the potential for Canada–Japan defense cooperation is significant and growing. The shared interests, aligned values, and complementary capabilities of the two countries position them to play a greater role in maintaining regional peace and stability.
As tensions rise across the East and South China Seas and in the Taiwan Strait, the need for capable, committed partners has never been greater. Through the ISA and beyond, Canada and Japan have the opportunity—and the responsibility—to shape a regional order defined not by coercion, but by cooperation and collective security. |
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Statistical Data and Analysis (as of Augst 29)
Unilateral actions by China have continued in the latter half of this month.
On August 25, Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs lodged a protest with China, confirming that China had taken unilateral steps to construct new structures in the East China Sea, despite the 2008 Japan-China agreement on resource development in the area.
China's unilateral actions have drawn condemnation. On August 18 and 20, the German Foreign Minister expressed concern that China is becoming increasingly aggressive in the Asia-Pacific region. He stated that China's assertive stance in the South China Sea and its behavior escalating tensions in the Taiwan Strait are threatening international security and European interests.
In terms of maritime security, on August 26, it was revealed that the Japan Coast Guard plans to deploy four additional UAVs by fiscal year 2028.This is also seen as an effort to strengthen surveillance against Chinese Coast Guard vessels repeatedly entering Japan's territorial waters near the Senkaku Islands.
[Statistical Data as of Augst 29]
Japan Coast Guard (JCG) daily updates the statistical data on the number of China Coast Guard vessels entering in the contiguous zone around the Senkaku Islands and intruding into Japanese territorial waters. The below is from the website of JCG.
https://www.kaiho.mlit.go.jp/
mission/senkaku/senkaku.html
Aug. |
Contiguous zone |
Territorial
Waters |
Aug. |
Contiguous zone |
Territorial
Waters |
16 |
4 |
|
23 |
4 |
|
17 |
4 |
|
24 |
4 |
|
18 |
4 |
|
25 |
4 |
|
19 |
4 |
|
26 |
4 |
|
20 |
4 |
|
27 |
4 |
|
21 |
4 |
|
28 |
4 |
|
22 |
4 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Date |
Topics |
8/15 |
On August 14, Japan Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) confirmed one Russian Vishnya
class Intelligence ship (hull number 208) sailing west in the waters 50km northeast of Cape Shiriya (Aomori Prefecture).
From August 14 to 15, this vessel sailed west through the Tsugaru Strait and navigated to the Sea of Japan. |
|
8/15 |
On August 14, JMSDF confirmed one Russian Kilo class submarine, one Steregushchiy class frigate (hull number 335) and one Baklazhan class rescue tug sailing southwest in the waters 90km east of Tsushima Island (Nagasaki Prefecture).
From August 14 to 15, these vessels sailed southwest through the Tsushima Strait and navigated to the East China Sea. |
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8/16 |
On August 15, the Government of Japan confirmed that the South Korean oceanographic research vessel ONNURI was sailing and drifting within Japan’s territorial waters west of Takeshima, and was deploying what appeared to be a wire-like object into the sea.
In response to this, on the same day, Mr. Masaaki Kanai, Director-General of the Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau, lodged a strong protest with Mr. Kim Jang-hyun, Deputy Chief of Mission at the Embassy of the Republic of Korea in Japan. Additionally, Mr. Yoshiyasu Iseki, Minister for Political Affairs (Acting Deputy Chief of Mission) at the Embassy of Japan in the Republic of Korea, lodged a strong protest with Mr. Kim Sang-hoon, Director-General for Asian and Pacific Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea. They stated that, Takeshima is clearly an inherent part of the territory of Japan, in light of historical facts and based on international law, and strongly protested the sailing, drifting, and survey activities conducted by the research vessel within Japan’s territorial waters. |
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japanese) |
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8/16 |
China’s fishing ban in the East China Sea, including waters around the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture and the Taiwan Strait, was lifted on August 16, and a large number of fishing boats departed from the fishing port in Shishi City, Fujian Province.
At the lifting of the fishing ban in 2016, an estimated 200 to 300 Chinese fishing boats flocked to the waters around the Senkaku Islands, but in recent years, the number of fishing boats entering the Senkaku territorial waters has been declining.
The Chinese side appears to be concerned about a deterioration in Japan-China relations due to accidental incidents and is cracking down on fishing activities in “sensitive waters.”
According to Japan’s Coast Guard, the number of Chinese fishing boats warned to leave the Senkaku territorial waters dropped from 81 in 2021 to zero in 2024. As of August 1 this year, only four such boats had been reported.
The ban, which had been in place since May, officially ended at noon on August 16 (1:00 p.m. Japan time), and fishing boats set out to sea one after another, setting off firecrackers to mark the occasion. |
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8/18 |
On August 17, JMSDF confirmed one Russian Steregushchiy III class frigate (hull number 337) sailing west in the waters 40km northeast of Cape Soya (Hokkaido Prefecture).
This vessel sailed west through the Soya Strait. |
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8/18 |
German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul has praised the strength of ties with Japan and underscored the importance of strategic partnership. He also called out China for being "increasingly aggressive."
Wadephul, speaking alongside Japanese Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya, called democracy and adherence to the rule of law shared values, something he said was important in "a time of crises and conflict."
Wadephul was unambiguous about the source of the threat to democracy and rule of law in the region, railing against repeated Chinese threats to "unilaterally change borders" in the Asia-Pacific.
"China repeatedly threatens, more or less openly, to unilaterally change the status quo and shift borders in its favor," Wadephul said.
The German minister chided China's "increasingly aggressive" behavior in the Taiwan Strait and the East and South China seas.
"Any escalation in this sensitive hub of international trade," he said on August 18, "would have serious consequences for global security and the world economy."
The "fundamental principles of our global coexistence," he added, "are at stake here."
China later warned Germany against "inciting confrontation and hyping up tensions."
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said the situation in the East China Sea and the South China Sea "remains generally stable."
"We urge the relevant parties to respect regional countries, resolve issues through dialogue and consultation, and safeguard the common interest of peace and stability, instead of inciting confrontation and hyping up tensions," she said when asked about Wadephul's comments at a regular news briefing.
She added that, "the Taiwan question is China's internal affair." |
|
8/19 |
On August 19, Japan Joint Staff confirmed two Russian Tu-95 bombers accompanied by two fighter jets flying from the continent into the Sea of Japan.
These aircrafts flew southeast over the Sea of Japan, then turned northeast off the coast of Sado Island (Niigata Prefecture) and flew along the vicinity of Japan’s territorial airspace. |
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8/21 |
China's assertiveness in the disputed South China Sea and tensions in the Taiwan Strait threaten international security and European interests, Germany's foreign minister said on August 20.
"What happens here in the Indo-Pacific has a direct impact on European security and vice versa," Johann Wadephul said in a speech in Jakarta.
"China's growing military assertiveness in the South China Sea not only threatens Asia's security but also undermines the international rules-based order," Wadephul said after talks with his Indonesian counterpart.
"With essential trade routes running right through this area, it also constitutes an economic risk."
He said the same applied to frictions in the Taiwan Strait, where China has deployed fighter jets, warships and coast guard ships near Taiwan and has held several major military exercises around the island in recent years.
Communist China has never ruled Taiwan but Beijing insists it is part of its territory and has threatened to use force to bring it under its control.
"Any escalation would have serious consequences for global security and prosperity, and directly affect German and European interests, too," he said.
His comments are likely to cause more friction with Beijing after it lashed out at Berlin this week over his remarks in Japan, where he accused China of being "increasingly aggressive" and trying to "unilaterally change" regional borders.
China warned Germany on August 18 against "inciting confrontation and hyping up tensions" in the region.
Wadephul said in a statement on Sunday before leaving for Asia that China was "increasingly asserting its regional supremacy" and questioning principles of international law. |
|
8/21 |
On August 20, JMSDF confirmed one Russian Kilo class submarine, one Steregushchiy class frigate (hull number 335) and one Baklazhan class rescue tug sailing northeast in the waters 120km southwest of Tsushima Island (Nagasaki Prefecture). From August 20 to 21, these vessels sailed northeast through the Tsushima Strait and navigated to the Sea of Japan. |
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8/22 |
On August 21, JMSDF confirmed one Russian Vishnya class Intelligence ship (hull number 208) sailing east in the waters 50km southwest of Oshima Island (Hokkaido Prefecture).
From August 21 to 22, this vessel sailed east through the Tsugaru Strait, then sailed northeast in Japanese contiguous zone south of Cape Erimo (Hokkaido Prefecture), and navigated to the Pacific Ocean.
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8/26 |
On August 25, Japan's Foreign Ministry said it confirmed a new Chinese structure is under construction on the Chinese side of the median line between the two countries in the East China Sea. It says it has lodged a protest with China.
China's unilateral construction of structures is taking place despite a 2008 agreement, in which the two countries' governments agreed on joint gas field development in the area. However, negotiations on the implementation of the deal stalled.
The director-general of the Japanese Foreign Ministry's Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau, Kanai Masaaki, issued a protest to a senior diplomat from the Chinese Embassy in Tokyo. The Japanese official called China's unilateral activities "extremely regrettable" and demanded that Beijing return to the stalled negotiations.
The ministry says the structure being set up by China is the 21st of its kind, following ones confirmed in May and June. |
(Reference)Ministry of Foreign Affairs |
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8/26 |
The JCG has decided to add four unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) to its fleet by fiscal year 2028. This move is believed to be aimed in part at strengthening surveillance of Chinese government vessels that repeatedly intrude into Japan's territorial waters off the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture. With the existing five UAVs, the total fleet will increase to nine. This was revealed in the preliminary budget request for fiscal year 2026, announced the JCG on August 26.
According to the JCG, the additional UAVs planned for deployment are the SeaGuardian (MQ9B), manufactured by General Atomics in the United States. It has a cruising speed of approximately 230 kilometers per hour and can fly continuously for more than 24 hours. It is capable of flying around the perimeter of Japan's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) more than once in a single flight. Equipped with marine surveillance radar and cameras, it is said to possess surveillance capabilities equivalent to or exceeding those of manned aircraft.
The JCG began operating the aircraft in October 2022 and relocated its base to Kitakyushu Airport this fiscal year. Currently, three UAVs are in operation, and two more will be added within the year, bringing the total to five. The deployment locations for the four additional UAVs are still being coordinated, but they are expected to be operated from the same airport.
The JCG states that it will “strengthen its seamless marine surveillance capabilities by utilizing new technologies,” but explains that it will “refrain from disclosing specific operational plans for security reasons.” According to government officials, the average price per UAV is expected to be approximately 12 billion yen, including outsourcing costs for the cockpit and control systems.
Meanwhile, the total estimated budget request for fiscal 2026 year amounts to 317.7 billion yen, a 14% increase from the previous year, marking a record high. To counter the growing size and armament of Chinese Coast Guard vessels, the budget includes 170.1 billion yen for strengthening maritime security capabilities, including the construction of two new 3,500-ton class large patrol vessels. |
Sankei Shimbun News (Japanese) |
|
8/26 |
On August 26, in response to a protest from the Japanese side regarding resource development in the East China Sea, China’s Foreign Ministry stated that it “cannot accept Japan’s groundless accusations” and rejected the protest.
At a regular press conference, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jia Kun stated, “Our commitment to the full and effective implementation of the principled consensus on this issue remains unchanged,” and added that China “hopes for an early resumption of negotiations.”
Spokesperson Guo also stated, “China’s oil and gas development activities in the East China Sea are located in undisputed waters where China claims jurisdiction, and according to the Chinese side, are entirely within its own jurisdiction.” |
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8/28 |
On August 27, Russia's Pacific Fleet announced that its diesel submarine Vorkhov and China's diesel submarine had completed their first “joint underwater patrol” in the Sea of Japan and other areas. This was reported by TASS and other news agencies.
China and Russia appear to be aiming to demonstrate the strength of their military solidarity ahead of a series of political events, with Japan and Western nations—which harbor conflicts with them—in mind.
According to a statement from the fleet reported by Russian media, the joint patrol by Chinese and Russian submarines began after the completion of the joint naval exercise “Joint Sea 2025” conducted earlier this month. The Chinese and Russian submarines, escorted by surface vessels, reportedly sailed more than 2,000 nautical miles (approximately 3,700 kilometers) in the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea.
The fleet stated that the purpose of the joint patrol was "to strengthen China-Russia military cooperation, maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region, and protect the maritime economic activities of both countries."
In recent years, China and Russia have intensified their military activities in the Asia-Pacific region, including areas around Japan, under the pretext of joint patrols.
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Sankei Shimbun News (Japanese) |
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8/28 |
On August 28, Japan's Minister of Defense, Nakatani, held talks with the UK's Secretary of State for Defence, John Healy, at the Ministry of Defense and issued a joint statement focusing on the expansion of bilateral security cooperation. This is the first time a joint statement has been released at a Japan-UK defense ministerial meeting, aiming to counter China's growing hegemonic actions in the Indo-Pacific region. The joint statement expressed “grave concern” over the situation in the East and South China Seas, with China in mind, and explicitly stated that it “strongly opposes attempts to unilaterally alter the status quo by force.” It also reaffirmed the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
This month, JMSDF has deepened cooperation by conducting "asset protection" measure—the safeguarding of foreign naval vessels—for British Royal Navy's aircraft carrier and other ships currently visiting Japan. At a joint press conference following the talks, Minister Nakatani emphasized that this meeting had “taken Japan-UK defense cooperation to a new level.”
Secretary Healey expressed the view that “security in the Indo-Pacific and the Euro-Atlantic region are inseparable.” |
Yomiuri Shimbun News (Japanese) |
|
8/29 |
Monthly Statistics on Scrambles（July） Japan Joint Staff released its monthly statistics on scrambles. In July, Japan Air Self Defense Force (JASDF) conducted 37 scrambles. The most scrambles are against Chinese aircrafts (25 times). The others were against Russian aircrafts (10 times) and so on. |
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8/29 |
China spent $21 billion on military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, the East and South China Sea and the Western Pacific last year, nearly 40% higher than 2023, according to Taiwan government estimates based on its tracking of aircraft and ships and working out the cost of fuel and other expenses. The internal research by Taiwan's armed forces, reviewed by Reuters and corroborated by four Taiwan officials, offers rare detail of where China's defence spending is probably going as Beijing expands its military footprint and scope of its drills, alarming regional capitals and Washington. Taiwan's military compiled its estimates in a report this month based on Taiwanese surveillance and intelligence on Chinese military activity in the Bohai Sea off northeast China, the East China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea, and the Western Pacific.
The reports tallied China's naval and air missions there in 2024, then estimated how much fuel and other consumables would cost for each hour of activity. The total was around 152 billion yuan ($21.25 billion), including maintenance, repairs and salaries, the report and the officials briefed on the research said. That estimated spending represented about 9% of China's reported 2024 military spending, up from 7% in 2023 based on the same estimates, according to Reuters calculations based on the research. In 2024, Chinese aircraft, including J-10 fighter jets, H-6 bombers, and drones, made nearly 12,000 flights in the region, amounting to about 37,000 hours in the air, the report shows. Those both represent roughly a 30% increase from the year before, the officials said. The Chinese navy made more than 86,000 sailings, including of aircraft carriers and destroyers, amounting to a total time at sea of more than 2 million hours, about a 20% increase from a year ago for both metrics, the report said. Roughly 34% of the Chinese naval journeys were made in the highly contested South China Sea, about 28% were in the East China Sea bordering Japan and South Korea, and nearly 14% were in the sensitive Taiwan Strait, the report shows. "They are trying to normalise their military power projection and intimidation around the first island chain," said one of the officials briefed on the research.
The First Island Chain is an area that runs from Japan through Taiwan, the Philippines and on to Borneo, enclosing China's coastal seas as well as the disputed South China Sea. |
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